Book Review: Race, Education and
Citizenship: Mobile Malaysians, British
Colonial Legacies and a Culture of
Migration by Sin Yee Koh
In Race, Education and Citizenship: Mobile
Malaysians, British Colonial Legacies and a Culture
of Migration , Sin Yee Koh offers a study of the
migratory trajectories of tertiary-educated mobile
Malaysian migrants and explores how the legacies
of colonialism continue to impact upon the
meanings of race, education and citizenship in this
context. Fawzia Haeri Mazanderani strongly
recommends this book to scholars interested in
conceptualising migration and citizenship practices
through a post-colonial lens.
Race, Education and Citizenship: Mobile Malaysians,
British Colonial Legacies and a Culture of Migration.
Sin Yee Koh. Palgrave Macmillan. 2017.
Find this
book:
I am one of you. Like you, I am also
trying to figure out my views about the
country I was born in, about whether I
will return, about the very real and
contradictory considerations each of us
grapple with in our citizenship and
mobility decisions.
So reads the first page of Sin Yee Koh’s study of
the migratory trajectories of tertiary-educated
mobile Malaysian migrants. This extract, taken from
the research blog that Koh set up as part of her
study, sets the tone for the compelling work which
is to follow. This research is made all the more
poignant in that it was inspired by Koh’s own
experiences and some of the contradictions she has
faced concerning her own migratory trajectory from
Malaysia.
This well-laid-out book starts by providing the
reader with a historical understanding of the legacy
of British colonialism and the making of modern
Malay(si)a. Given that British imperial rule was a
crucial factor in Malaysia’s transition from a colony
to an independent modern nation state, Koh’s study
explores how colonialism has impacted and
continues to impact upon the meanings of race,
education and citizenship in the context of
migration.
After providing a historical overview, Koh explains
how she understands a ‘culture of migration’ in the
Malaysian case. One of her core arguments is that
it has been, in part, an inevitable response to
structural constraints in post-colonial Malaysia. The
British colonial legacies of racial stereotypes, Malay
indigeneity and a race-stratified education system
have been inherited and exacerbated by the post-
colonial Malaysian state in the form of bumiputera-
differentiated policies. This has led non-bumiputera
Malaysians, the focus of Koh’s study, to appear to
regard migration as ‘inevitable’ (147). For readers
such as myself who might come across this book
ignorant of the Malaysian context, ‘bumiputera’
translates to ‘sons of soil’ and those deemed ‘non-
bumiputera’ are typically Malaysian-Chinese and
Malaysian-Indians.
While arguing that mobile Malaysians’ culture of
migration can be understood in relation to the
colonial legacies of race, education and citizenship,
Koh’s analysis goes beyond ‘blaming’ colonialism
for social phenomena in the post-colonial period
(255). Instead, Koh places equal emphasis on both
colonial and post-colonial interventions, highlighting
their interrelationships and probing the processes
whereby post-colonial legacies have been
‘reinforced, appropriated, reconstructed and
enhanced in the post-colonial period’ (15).
Image Credit: Kuala Lumpur International Airport
( eGuide Travel CC BY 2.0 )
Koh drew upon an innovative methodological
strategy for this research in that she explores
historical forces (through archival research) as a
means to understand contemporary migration
phenomena (through interviews and personal
reflections). These interviews, of which there are 67,
were conducted with mobile Malaysians living in the
United Kingdom, Singapore and Malaysia. Through
adopting a post-colonial approach that traverses the
historical with the contemporary, Koh sought to
examine the interactions between macro-structural
forces and her respondents’ interpretations of and
reactions to these.
By identifying common themes and patterns in
mobile Malaysians’ interpretations and
understandings of themselves, the author
demonstrates how power inequalities persist and
limit human lives in material and immaterial ways.
As eloquently expressed by Koh:
The material are manifested as migration
flows and the resultant migrant social
networks; while the immaterial take the
form of internalised beliefs, ideas,
emotions, ways of knowing, norms and
practices that are interrelated to acts of
migration (23).
Through discussing individual cases, Koh explores
how migration and its related practices acquire
particular socialised meanings. These are passed
on from one generation to the next. In this way,
migration becomes an internalised cultural practice
that is not necessarily recognised as a response to
structural constraints posed by Malaysia’s
bumiputera-differentiated citizenship (18).
While Koh was able to reach non-bumiputera
respondents through her networks and snowball
sampling, this does mean that the study had a
limited scope as it attracted those who might have
already resonated with the research project, a point
Koh recognises. The slim number of bumiputera
respondents in the study (7.5 per cent) is an area
of intrigue in itself, in that it left me feeling there
was a need for a complementary study which
probed their experiences. However, Koh, by being
perceived as ‘one of us’ (31), was able to engage
with her respondents and analyse their narratives
with a richness that an ‘outsider’ would have not
achieved.
This brings us back to what I consider one of the
chief strengths of the study: namely, its origins in
Koh’s own reflections, one of which was the
recognition of the tendency of many mobile
Malaysians she has come across, including herself,
to retain Malaysian citizenship ‘at all costs’ despite
migrating to other areas (9). Her analysis shows
how mobile Malaysians paradoxically sustain
feelings of perpetual belonging to ‘Malaysia’ at the
same time as feeling distrust towards the Malaysian
government. This raises the question, posed by
Koh, of why there is ‘a strong narrative of
unquestioned belonging to Malaysia, despite
overseas Malaysians (real and perceived) narratives
of racial discrimination and being ‘‘second class
citizens’’ in Malaysia’ (11).
While Koh’s respondents conceptualised their
citizenship in relation to ‘loyalty to Malaysia’, this is
not about the nation state but rather about the
presence of family members in Malaysia, nostalgic
memories of living in the country and an
ethnonational sense of pride. Their feeling
of loyalty, primarily attached to locality and kinship,
loomed large in their imagined hopes for a future
return to Malaysia, as well as the reason they keep
their Malaysian citizenship ‘just in case’ (213). Inj
this sense, the loyalty articulated by mobile
Malaysians does not seem to translate into civic
and political acts such as contributions to
homeland development.
After discussing her key themes of education, race
and citizenship, Koh dedicates a chapter to the
subject of returning to Malaysia. This chapter
usefully demonstrates how the post-colonial state’s
return migration and reverse brain drain policies
have been ineffective, derived as they are from the
perspective of human resource needs. As such, they
have ‘neglected to consider the overall socio-
cultural and racial environment mobile Malaysians
will be returning to’ (247). Koh recommends that
return migration policies should be designed
bearing in mind the citizenship, education, race and
minority rights policies that led to emigration in the
first place.
In Koh’s concluding chapter, she reflects upon how
Malaysia’s racialisation of class inequalities makes
class itself difficult to study. While Koh
acknowledges that class is intimately linked to
mobile Malaysians’ access to their preferred
education streams, I still felt that the analysis would
have benefited from a greater acknowledgement of
the classifying and performative nature of class
within this context. Having personally grown up in
South Africa, I found that Koh’s study illuminates
the need for comparative analyses of different post-
colonial contexts, which offers the possibility of
‘identifying similarities and divergences in different
colonial and post-colonial experiences and how
these subsequently influence education, citizenship
and migration’ (272). This is particularly interesting
when considering how the relic of racial
stratification in the education system inherited by
British colonial rule echoes other observations on
colonial legacies in this sphere elsewhere (75).
This book challenges existing literature on skilled
migration and flexible citizenship by showing how
such migration may be racialised and by
highlighting the need to conceptualise migration and
citizenship practices historically. Koh’s analysis
shows how race as a colonial legacy initiates and is
in turn perpetuated by mobile Malaysians’ culture of
migration. The post-colonial approach she adopts
makes a novel contribution to the fields of
migration studies and geography in that it
demonstrates how ‘the real impact of colonial
legacies lies in the internalised understandings
about race, education and citizenship that continue
to define the behaviours of generations after the end
of the colonial period’ (218). I strongly recommend
this book for scholars interested in post-colonial
studies, migration, citizenship and race, as well as
anyone looking for a more nuanced insight into the
formation of contemporary Malaysia.
Fawzia Haeri Mazanderani is in the third year of her
PhD in Education at the University of Sussex. Her
dissertation focuses on the development of
aspirations of young people living in post-apartheid
South Africa. She has a background in Social
Anthropology from UCT (South Africa) and SOAS
(London). Read more by Fawzia Haeri Mazanderani .
Note: This review gives the views of the author, and
not the position of the LSE Review of Books blog, or
of the London School of Economics.
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